Analysis on Code Switching Manifested by Filipino High School Teachers

in Philippine high school classes not only by students but even by teachers. Using code switching in high school classes is found to be beneficial to both teachers and students. Thus, this paper could help teachers regardless of their subject area determine the proper context of switching. Their understanding of students’ discourses could guide them in designing their lessons toward a more effective classroom interaction which lead to quality education


Introduction
To become well-versed in the art of speaking is indeed one of the most essential aspects of learning a second or foreign language. Success is measured by the ability to bring a conversation in that language (Saville-Troike & Barto, 2017). Further, Syafii, 2021 stated that one's ability to speak fluently is one of the language skills that need to be developed in addition to other language skills as it functions as a fundamental role to make learners dominate English skills.
In the Philippines where majority of the people belong to specific ethnolinguistic groups who use their own native languages and who speak a national language, Filipino and a foreign language, English as second language; opportunities for research on ESL is great. In fact, it is the multilingual state and capability of Filipinos that continue to draw the attention of language policy makers, educators, researchers, and even the state leaders.
For one, studies along the Tagalog-based national language, Filipino, continue to be conducted with the hope that these might scale up the status of the language to an intellectualized level. On another hand, this multilingual concern in the country continues to drive educators and linguistic researchers to conduct studies that would provide a holistic understanding of the socio-psycholinguistic reality of multilingualism in the Philippines to make teaching and learning in Philippine schools, colleges, and universities empowering in terms of efficient use of language in communication on the part of the students (Bernardo, 2007).
Hence, if one has to trace the history of the educational system of the country in terms of the language/s of instruction used particularly in the basic education curriculum, one will note that the country has gone through numerous bilingual education set-ups driven by circumstances and studies along this area.
Interestingly, the concept of bilingualism started with the coming of the Americans in the 1900s. Discovering that the natives spoke different dialects, the Thomasites began to use English as a medium of instruction in schools and considered the use of the native languages as a taboo. However, because of the regular drop-outs from grade to grade that were noted every year, this monolingual school was stopped. Apparently, it was found out that the natives then could hardly cope with a foreign language as the sole medium of instruction and that there was no carry-over of lessons from school to home because the use of the vernaculars was prohibited. Since then, studies have been conducted to address the issue on what medium of instruction would best fit the country's multilingual setting. As a result, several policies have been formulated and implemented to address the linguistic problem in Philippine schools.
The Philippine Bilingual Education Policy of 1987 aims for an enhanced learning through English and Filipino and the development of a bilingual nation competent in the use of both English and Filipino. The 1987 policy made a clearer stand on the use of English and Filipino. Specifically, it states that English is to be used as the language in teaching English, Mathematics, and Science, while Filipino is to be used for the other subjects.
The same case exists in Pakistan being English as their medium of instruction in university levels while Urdu is used as their lingua franca (Manan, David, Dumanig & Channa, 2017;Shah, Pillai & Sinayah, 2019). An earlier version of this policy, promulgated in 1974, allows the use of major vernaculars in the early grades. These policies both reflect Shohamy's (2006) claim that language educational policies are mechanisms used to create de facto language practices in educational institutes, especially in centralized educational system. In addition, it is these policies, especially in a centralized system, that represent a language manipulation of what kind of language or languages should be used as a medium of instruction and to what degree that usage is acceptable (Botzepe, 2005).
The prevalence of different languages in the Philippines prompted then Pres. Manuel L. Quezon to promulgate a law specifying Tagalog as the national language of the country. It was believed that such a national language would strongly unify the different ethnolinguistic groups in the country.
Corollary to this, several language policies were likewise promulgated to address the issue on the language of instruction used in Philippine schools considering that Tagalog, later named Pilipino then Filipino has been recognized as the national language. Yet for purposes of communication and instruction, the official languages of the Philippines are Filipino and, until otherwise provided by law, English (Espiritu, 2008).
Consistent with the 1987 constitutional mandate and a declared policy of the National Board of Education (NBE) on bilingualism in the schools (NBE Resolution No. 73-7, s.1973) the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS), now the Department of Education (DepEd), promulgated its language policy called the Bilingual Education Policy. The policy was first implemented in 1974 when DECS issued Dept. Order No. 25, s. 1974 titled, Implementing Guidelines for the Policy on Bilingual Education.
Bilingual education in the Philippines pertains to the separate use of Filipino and English as the media of instruction in specific subject areas. As embodied in DECS Order No. 25, Pilipino that was changed to Filipino in 1987 shall be used as medium of instruction in social studies/social sciences, music, arts, physical education, home economics, practical arts and character education. English, on the other hand is allocated to science, mathematics and technology subjects. The same subject allocation is provided in the 1987 Policy on Bilingual Education which is disseminated through Department Order No. 52, s. 1987.
The policy is aimed at the achievement of competence in both Filipino and English at the national level, through the teaching of both languages and their use as media of instruction at all levels. It also provides for the use of regional languages as auxiliary languages in Grades I and II.
Moreover, the policy dictates that English and Filipino be taught as language subjects in all levels to achieve the goals of bilingual competence. Since competence in the use of both Filipino and English is one of the goals of the policy, continuing improvement in the teaching of both languages, their use as media of instruction and the specification of their functions in Philippine schooling rests on the whole educational system. Tertiary level institutions, however, are tasked to lead in the continuing intellectualization of Filipino. The program of intellectualization shall also be pursued in both the elementary and secondary levels.
Further, the Commission on the Filipino Language, formerly Institute of Philippine/National Language, is ordered to formulate and implement programs and projects for the full and effective implementation of the objectives expressed in the Executive Order.
Aside from enhancing learning through two languages to achieve quality education, the BEP also has the following aims: the propagation of Filipino as a language of literacy; the development of Filipino as a linguistic symbol of national unity and identity; the cultivation and elaboration of Filipino as a language of scholarly discourse, that is to say its continuing intellectualization; and the maintenance of English as an international language for the Philippines and as a non-exclusive language of science and technology.
These issues and policies in Philippine educational system have led to the prevalence of code-switching among its academicians as well as its students. Thus, given the aforementioned instances, this paper discusses the occurrences of code-switching specifically its types and patterns among high school teachers in a laboratory school of the College of Teacher Education, Mariano Marcos State University, Philippines and looked into some implications on language policy formulation and pedagogy.

Theoretical Framework
This research is anchored on Discourse Theory by Gee (1999). This theory emphasizes that language is always used from a perspective and always occurs within a context. To understand the meaning of a sentence, the reader is helped by the surrounding text to get clarity of thought and meaning. It is from this context that discourse theory can be stated that all the relevant texts around a message should be considered to understand it clearly and universally, instead of viewing it as a stand-alone sentence. There is no neutral use of language.
The meaning of the words in the utterances is socially-constructed within discourse communities.
Discourse theory is basically the analysis of language in context. To understand a particular instance of language, it is important to know what social identity the speaker (or writer) is adopting and what social activity the speaker (or writer) thinks he or she is accomplishing. For example, the same words uttered by the same person will mean quite different things if taken to have been spoken in her role as a professor in a formal advising session as against her role as a friend in an informal chat before getting down to business. Who the speaker is, what the activity is all about, what has already been said and done, as well as the knowledge and assumptions shared are all part of the context.

Materials and Methods
Having secured permission to gather data at MMSU Laboratory High School, the researchers recorded, transcribed and analyzed the classroom discourses to bring about the most predominant types and patterns of code witching committed by high school teachers.
Then, survey questionnaires were administered to 9 teachers who are teaching English, Science and Math to gather basic information which are vital in this study.
This study utilized descriptive-qualitative approach where classroom recordings, survey questionnaires, focused group discussion and in-depth interview were the data sources.
These were all taken from the classroom recordings of the teachers at the University Laboratory School Mariano Marcos State University -College of Teacher Education during their synchronous classes.
It thoroughly discussed the data gathered by starting to identify and explain the types and patterns of code switching frequently made by the teachers in English, Science and Math classes in the high school level. To determine the types of code switching manifested by teachers, the researchers adapted the typology forwarded by Poplack (1980) and Myers-Scotton (1989). This was used since it best suits the nature of Filipinos teaching and learning English as a second language. Poplack classified code switching into tag, inter-sentential, and intra-sentential but later, Myers-Scotton added intra-word. These four were adapted in this study which were also the findings of Villadarez, 2021 in her analysis on code-switching in Pinoy songs wherein intra-word switching in word structure and inter-sentential, intrasentential and tag switching in sentence structure surfaced.
In the analysis of patterns, the researchers considered Muysken's (2000) code switching patterns namely insertion, alternation and congruent lexicalization. However, due to some limitations of these patterns, only insertion is utilized, and the researchers modified it to fit the context of this study. Thus, they came up with Ilokolish, Taglish and Ilocotaglish -all are forms of insertion with alternate use of languages.
Finally, in the investigation of the quantitative data, descriptive statistics like frequency counts, percentages and weighted means were employed to compensate the deficiencies of the qualitative analysis.

Types and Patterns of Code Switching of College Instructors
The researchers employed discourse analysis in examining the spoken language of teachers in English, Science and Math classes. Data were gathered through audio recording; the recorded discourses were later transcribed. The discourses were carefully analyzed to determine the types and patterns of code switching. To counter validate the data from the transcribed materials, a group discussion and interview were also done. Actual code switches extracted from the recorded classroom interactions are provided in the discussions. Table 1 presents the types of code switches manifested by teachers in the Laboratory High School.
It can be gleaned from the table that intra-sentential code switching registered the highest number of occurrence (471) among the utterances of teachers in the classroom. This is followed by inter-sentential (122), tag (45) and intra-word (24) code switches. It is interesting to note that among subjects where English is the medium of instruction, Science teachers registered the greatest number of intrasentential code switches at 249, followed by English at 151 and the least, Math at 71.

Intrasentential.
In this study, this switching occurs when an English sentence is inserted with Ilocano or Filipino terms. This is manifested in the following examples: Okay, it is the linear sequence, it is the backbone, kumbaga (like) nu building it is the foundation, isuna dagijay (they are the) metals or dagitay landok a manghold (the steel that holds) diay (the) building, the framework, the primary structure.

-HEI1S
In this example, the teacher is explaining the lesson using an analogy. In using such technique, the teacher also uses Filipino (kumbaga) and Ilocano terms (isuna, dagijay, dagitay, landok, a, manghold, and diay) to illustrate his main point.

Example 2.
We decided that instead of making a research paper, agaramid kayo ti (you will make an) activity for the sake of your class.

-HEI3E
In this example, the teacher is explaining the project of his students by inserting Ilocano into an English sentence. The phrase agaramidkayo is an instruction for the students to accomplish.

Example 3.
Kung ano yung unit ng (whatever the unit of the) percentage that will also be the unit of the base.

-HEI5M
In example 3, the teacher exemplifies the use of Filipino and English. In trying to explain the topic, the teacher cannot help but use a Filipino phrase (Kung ano yung, and ng).
The topic is too complex to always use English.
The above examples reveal that intrasentential code switching has occurred with a relatively high frequency. This shows that the majority of teacher code switching in English, Science, and Math classes take place within sentence boundaries. These utterances happen when an Ilocano or Filipino words are inserted in an English sentence and when English words are inserted in an Ilocano sentence.
It is interesting to note that Science teachers have the greatest number of intrasentential switches. This can be accounted for by the nature of their subject matter, which includes complex and complicated concepts that need thorough explanation, illustration and even demonstration. In addition, it is also characterized by highly specialized terms or technical jargons which the students could barely understand. With these, the teacher cannot help using the more familiar code in his discussion without any fear of negative interference or semantic misunderstanding.
This also reflect that teachers come from different backgrounds, different training and specialization, and employ different strategies in handling subjects in college where the English is the medium of instruction. However, these teachers meet at some common points, to name one is the use of Ilocano being their mother tongue, and the other is the use of English being the mandated medium of instruction. Clearly, English should be used but these teachers use other two languages, considering their geographical location and the linguistic background of their students. This finding finds support to Bautista's (1999) communicative efficiency which means that code switching allows teachers and students use linguistic resources in English and Filipino to negotiate meaning.
Meanwhile, aside from intrasentential switching, intersentential was also evident from the teachers' utterances. It can be noted that among the classes where English is the medium of instruction, Science teachers also committed the most intersentential switches at 49 out of 122 utterances, followed by English teachers at 40 and then Math teachers at 33. The structure of the sentence of the teacher in example 3 starts with a question in English, then another question in Filipino (Anong gagawin?).
The above examples clearly demonstrate switching to Filipino or Ilocano at the sentence boundaries, hence, intersentential switch. Similarly, Science teachers again committed the greatest number of intersentential switches. This underscores the complexity of their field, thus compromising the medium of instruction in order to aid the learning of their students.
It implies that teacher switches in order to confirm comprehension by the students. In these examples, the follow up questions which were mostly done in either Filipino or Ilocano, were asked so that the teacher knows that the students indeed understood the lesson.
Moreover, it provides transitions, thus aid in the discussion.
The other type of code switching exhibited by the utterances of teachers is the tag switch. Out of 45 tag switch utterances, Science and English teachers registered at 21, while Math teachers registered at 3.
Tag. This involves the insertion of a tag in one language into an utterance that is otherwise entirely in the other language. In this study, a Filipino or an Ilocano tag is added to an English sentence as shown in the following: In example 3, the teacher is at the middle of his discussion mentioning some clues to the answer of the problem and ends with the Filipino tag, tama.
These examples of tag switches reveal that teachers switch codes at the end of their utterance to check or monitor the students' comprehension especially with English and Science subjects. This implies that the employment of Ilocano and Filipino in their utterance is a means to facilitate smoother flow of ideas and to ensure understanding.
Of the types of switches, intraword registered the least frequency at 24. This type of switch happens when there is a change of code within a word.
Intraword. In this study, Filipino or Ilocano affixes are attached to English words.
These affixes may take the form of prefixes added before verbs, such as in the following examples: Example 1.

Hindi kaya ng virus na magreplicate within a cell. (Virus can't replicate within cells.) -HEI2S
In this example, the teacher dominantly uses Filipino. The mixing is done in the word "replicate" with the attachment of the Filipino prefix mag, which signifies the infinitive "to replicate." Example 2.

Inkayu man agpaxerox. (Go and photocopy.) -HEI3E
In example 2, the teacher is instructing the students. The switch happens in an Ilocano sentence, specifically within the word "agpaxerox." Example 3.

So nagmultiply ka? (So you multiplied?) -HEI4M
In this example, the teacher is correcting the answer of the students. He is asking the operation that they used. The switching is at the word nagmultiply.
Moreover, it can be reflected that out of 662 code switch utterances, Science teachers have the most number of occurrence at 336, followed by English teachers at 218 and the least, Math teachers at 108. These results imply that indeed, instruction in these subjects is not delivered entirely in the prescribed medium. Significantly, it can be noted that teachers of English, who are expected to demonstrate excellent facility of the language, shuttle between English and other languages inside the classroom. In this case then, it is not surprising that Science and Math teachers, who are not majors of English, also code switch.
The above examples demonstrate the use of the types of code switching employed in a second language classroom particularly in these subjects where English is the medium of instruction. The use of these languages in an utterance justifies the proficiency in it. This is affirmed by Yletyinen (2004) who claimed that the speaker needs to have knowledge of both the vernacular and the English grammar in order to produce grammatically correct sentences or utterances in an intrasentential utterance. This is supported by the findings of Poplack (1980) when he discovered the prevalence of intrasentential switches in her study. She added that intrasentential is the most complex type of code-switching requiring as it does that the speaker be able to control two linguistic systems simultaneously. However, this is contradicted by the results of the study of Jingxia in 2010. The findings reveal that intersentential switching occurred the most frequently in teacher's utterances among the types followed by intrasentential and tag.

Patterns of Code Switching of High School Teachers
This paper also analyzed the patterns frequently used by teachers. This section therefore, deals with the discussion of these patterns citing the actual extracts from the discourses of the respondents.  In example 2, the instructor was interrupted when he found out that one of the samples of the project he was showing the students was missing, so he ended the utterance with a question. The sentence has two parts: the first part forms a declarative sentence (I have here an example of…) and the second is a question (kanino napunta yong ship structure and ship identification?). The first formation has the following components: English (I) + English (have) + English (here) + English (an) + English (example) + English (of); and the second formation yields the following component: Filipino (kanino) + Filipino (napunta) + Filipino (yong) + English (ship) + English (structure) + English (and) + English (ship) + English (identification).
This is the illustration (Figure 2):
This structure demonstrates switching in Filipino when asking a question (kanino napunta yong ship structure and ship identification?). However, the instructor only code switched at the start of the sentence hence, only the Filipino question marker (kanino), pronoun (yong) and the verb (napunta).

Substitution, dapat magaling tayo sa pagkuha nang (we should be good in identifying the)
anti-derivatives of a particular elementary function before we can proceed to the changing limit of integration."

-HEI2M
In example 3, the instructor was answering the question of the student and continued it with his explanation. The sentence has two parts, one main clause (Substitution, dapat magaling tayo sa pagkuha nang anti derivatives of a particular elementary function) and a dependent clause (before we can proceed to the changing limit of integration). The main clause includes English (substitution) + Filipino (dapat) + Filipino (magaling) + Filipino (tayo) + Filipino (sa) + Filipino (pagkuha) + Filipino (nang) + English (anti) + English (derivatives) +
The switching in this structure happens at the most important part of the sentence that is, in giving the instruction (dapat magaling tayo sa pagkuha nang anti derivatives). It can be inferred, therefore, that the instructor switched code at the Filipino adverb (dapat), adjective (magaling), pronoun (tayo), preposition (sa), verb (pagkuha), and determiner (nang).
To support the analysis of transcripts, the researchers conducted interviews with the teacher respondents on the patterns of code switching that they employ in their classes. They disclosed their use of Taglish and expressed preference for the use of Taglish over other patterns: These responses support the findings in the classroom discourses, where most instances of code switching were done in a Taglish pattern.
Ilocolish. Aside from Taglish, Ilocolish is also used by teachers in their discourses.
Out of 186 code switch utterances, English teachers committed the highest frequency of We decided that instead of making a research paper, agaramid kayo ti (you will make an) activity for the sake of your class.

-HEI3E
The teacher started in English and inserted Ilocano at the middle of the sentence.
Therefore, the sentence is comprised with two clauses: the first, We decided that instead of making a research paper and the second agaramidkayo ti activity for the sake of your class.
The structure of the sentence tells that the switching to Ilocano is indicated by the verb and pronoun (agaramidkayo), a phrase which denotes an instruction. This pattern is similar to earlier extracts in which teachers use Tagalog to signal something for their students to do, thus resulting in Taglish sentences. A different pattern is seen in this example: Example 2.

So ana alud ti mapasamak? (what will happen then?) -HEI4S
The teacher in this example asks the students if what is likely to happen if they apply the concept which he is discussing.
The following diagram reveals the pattern of this sentence ( Figure 5):
This analysis reveals that the sentence begins with the one English word so, but is dominated by Ilocano words: the Ilocano interrogative pronoun (ana), adverb (alud), determiner (ti), and verb (mapasamak.) This structure indicates that the teacher uses Ilocano to encourage the students to think and predict what will happen.
The age problem paylang. (Still on the age problem) -HEIM4 The teacher in this example is reminding the students to stick to the context of the problem. He uses an Ilocano word, paylang, at the end of the sentence. This is how it is diagrammed ( Figure 6):
The diagram shows that there is only a word that is switched. This is at the end of the sentence with the Ilocano word, paylang. As admitted, the teacher is not an English major but Science major, thus, feels more comfortable with the native language.
Ilocotaglish. Along with other patterns, Ilocotaglish was also exhibited by teacher. (because of the fear of water.)

-HEI1S
In example 1, the sentence is uttered by the teacher while discussing the concept "hydrophobic." To define the word, he introduces it using an English clause (So hydrophobic, that is why it is called hydro), followed by a Filipino conjunction (kasi) and an Ilocano clause (mabuteng ti danum). This is illustrated in the following diagram ( Figure 7):
Thus, to define the concept, he uses the language which the students are more familiar with. In this case, the definition is clearer with the use of Ilocano at the last part (kasi mabuteng iti danum). Another instance of Ilocotaglish can be seen in the following example which uses a tag: Example 2.
(it's not enough, it's so short they would say, right?)

-HEI4E
The teacher is at the middle of discussing the lesson. Her sentence structure this time involves three languages: English (Alright, so descriptive too tiny, tiny), Ilocano (han nga umanay eh, nagbattit kunada) and Filipino (diba?). The following shows the diagram It can be inferred from the diagram that the teacher code switched in Ilocano with the adverb, determiner, adjective, enclitic, and pronoun, han nga umanay eh, nagbattit kunada and in Filipino with the tag (diba?).
As discussed in the earlier section on types of code switches, switching can occur in question tags added to the end of an utterance. The preceding example shows that indeed, teachers code switch in tag questions in order to facilitate or to confirm understanding by students. This code-switching pattern implies that teachers code switch for a specific purpose.
In the following example, Ilocotaglish is employed in discussing the steps in making a certain project: Example 3.

-HEI3E
The sentence in Example 3 comprises the Filipino conjunctive adverb tapos, the English noun post-test, and the Ilocano nukwan. This shows that switching can also be done to connect ideas. This pattern is illustrated in the following (Figure 9):
Furthermore, in an interview conducted by the researcher to the teacher respondents indicates that there are five teachers who employ Ilocotaglish in their utterances. One of them explicitly discussed: "It's a gift knowing how to speak 3 languages. It gives me more opportunity to explore the optimal utilization of these languages especially in promoting student's comprehension." -HEI3TR2 The teachers' responses and the analysis of these patterns show that they use

Implications of Code-switching on Language Policy Formulation and Pedagogy
Switching of codes displays an exclusive structure and function of types and patterns of codes particularly in a bilingual community (Yim, O. & Clément, R., 2019). As bilinguals grow into adulthood, they begin to code switch more extensively as an indicative of a growing metalinguistic and pragmatic sophistication. This prompts them to make use of both of their languages to communicate in a more exact way just what they want to say (Vihman, 1985).
Similarly, the study of Valdez (2010) offered some implications of code switching.
According to him, code switching allows teachers and students to use linguistic resources and provides access to cognitively demanding content in the subject areas. Further, code switching negotiates a harmonious relationship between teachers and learners because classrooms represent "a crucible where the prime elements of education-ideas and ideologies, policies and plans, materials and methods, teachers [and the taught]-all mix together to produce exclusive and at times explosive environments that might help or hinder the creation and utilization of learning opportunities" (Kumaravadivelu, 1999), and code switching serves as a linguistic symbol for teachers and students to align themselves as part of one community reflective of a larger society. This is supported by Shah et. al (2020) as code-switching can be used to better share their ideas and conceptualize their insights to create a meaningful argument about a certain topic In this connection, a number of emerging language policies have been laid out and forwarded to guide people in language use. However, none of those support the use code switching phenomenon in communication and even in instruction. This supports Valdez' (2010) claim that it is unfortunate that code switching remains to have a "subaltern" status in Therefore, Valdez (2010) strongly suggested that there is a need to operationally 'redefine' what constitutes medium of instruction. Instead of simplistic arguments of allocating languages to teach particular subjects that tend to be monolingually biased and exclusionary, it should be inclusive in a sense that it does not "isolate the classroom from the society in which it is situated" (McLellan & Chua-Wong, 2002).
With these findings to support the results of this study, it can be claimed that teachers code switching can cater to the needs of the students. It is strongly suggested that the use of code switching as a strategy should be introduced in the context of teaching English in bilingual classrooms like the Philippines. Language policy makers should endeavor to accommodate the concept of code switching considering the effects, benefits and consequences it brings.

Conclusions
Based on the findings of this study, it is concluded that different types and patterns of code switching exists in Philippine high school classes specifically at MMSU-LHS. Its prevalence is not restricted to English classes only but also in Math and Science classes. Among the types and patterns of switching, intrasentential and Taglish respectively, dominate in the classroom for the teachers. In addition, using code switching in Philippine high school classrooms are found to be beneficial for both students and teachers as they arrive at a more meaningful discussion because they conceptualize better ideas during classes regardless of their subject matters. Thus, these findings can be a potent instrument for a better situation of teaching and learning in the Philippine context. These results imply that it is noteworthy to consider code switching in the language policy formulation to address issues and problems relative to its pervasiveness in Ilocano classrooms.